2026 flexible voting pilots evaluation
Two different models of flexible voting were piloted in the May 2026 local elections in England:
- early voting (having the option to vote at an early voting hub on more than one day prior to normal polling day)
- voting at a centralised hub on normal polling day (having the option to vote at a centralised hub rather than the polling station you are registered to vote at).
Cambridge, North Hertfordshire and Tunbridge Wells chose to pilot early voting, and Milton Keynes chose to pilot a centralised voting hub on polling day. The pilot scheme also included the use of digital registers across all four local authorities.
A small number of local authorities took part in the pilot scheme. These authorities volunteered to take part, they were not strategically selected or randomly allocated. As a result, the findings of this evaluation cannot confidently be used to forecast how pilots in other areas of the country might work.
Key findings
- The pilots worked well, with few significant issues during implementation, verification and counting.
- Turnout increased in pilot areas and across England. It is not possible to know the extent to which this was because of the pilots or other factors.
- Uptake of early voting and the centralised polling day hub was relatively low, partly reflecting limited awareness of the pilot scheme.
- Those who used the flexible voting options were generally very positive about their experience and keen to vote flexibly in future, if the option was available.
- Convenience was the main reason for using the hubs, but most voters (in line with national and international evidence) would have likely voted regardless of the additional options.
- There was a strong appetite for future flexible voting, especially among newer voters.
- Voters with a disability made up a relatively small proportion of hub voters. They particularly welcomed the accessibility and quieter environment of flexible voting locations.
- Digital registers performed well overall, although they depended on reliable connectivity. The use of the tablets involved additional work for electoral services teams. However, staff were positive about their experiences and would welcome the use of digital registers in future elections.
- Electoral administrators were positive about the pilot scheme but highlighted the additional resources and time needed to deliver them.
Our recommendations
The small number of pilot areas and the limited range of options tested so far means there is not strong enough evidence to support firm conclusions or make policy decisions about flexible voting. Where further pilots are necessary and justified, they should be carried out on a larger scale and across different types of local authorities. This would allow a variety of different approaches to be tested and compared, providing clearer evidence about their benefits, costs and overall impact.
The evidence from previous early voting pilots suggests that there is limited value in repeating models that have already been tested. Any more early voting pilots should focus on addressing specific evidence gaps and operational challenges.
The successful delivery and evaluation of pilot schemes depend on local authorities having enough time to prepare. Future pilot schemes should be announced earlier to support effective planning, implementation and evaluation.
Some Returning Officers have already begun using digital polling station registers outside of these pilots. The UK’s governments should develop plans to enable the use of digital polling station registers at all elections.
The evaluation had a mixed-methods approach, involving analysis of both quantitative and qualitative data. The evaluation findings are based on the following sources of information:
- Electoral administrative data
- A representative survey with voters in pilot and non-pilot areas
- Face-to-face interviews with early voters and those who chose to vote in the centralised voting hub
- Interviews with Returning Officers and their teams in participating local authorities
Impact on voters
Those who used flexible voting options made up a relatively small proportion of overall turnout
A relatively small proportion of voters (0.4 – 2.4%) chose to cast their vote early or vote in the centralised hub.
In the early voting pilots, the proportion of voters who chose to vote flexibly was lowest in Cambridge, where 1.7% of registered voters chose to vote in the hub. It was highest in North Hertfordshire, where 2.4% of registered voters chose to vote in one of the early voting hubs.
The level of hub turnout as a proportion of overall turnout was higher compared to the most recent early voting pilots in Wales in 2022. In the pilots held at local elections in England in 2007, the proportions ranged from 0.5 – 7.0%. These previous results are not directly comparable with this current set of pilots, as the specific approaches being piloted varied (with a varying number of days of early voting and opening hours).
In the Milton Keynes pilot, 0.4% of registered voters cast their vote at the central hub.
| Area | Overall turnout | Polling station turnout (% of electorate) | Proxy turnout (% of electorate) | Postal turnout (% of electorate) | Early/ centralised hub turnout (% of electorate) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cambridge | 46.2% | 34.2% | 0.2% | 10.2% | 1.7% |
| North Hertfordshire (Parish Council Election) | 38.6% | 26.1% | 0.2% | 10.1% | 2.4% |
| Milton Keynes | 40.7% | 30.4% | 0.1% | 10.3% | 0.4% |
| Tunbridge Wells | 45.3% | 31.8% | 0.2% | 11.5% | 2.0% |
| England | 40.8% | 30.1% | 0.1% | 10.7% | n/a |
Overall turnout in the pilot areas was higher than in comparable previous local elections. However, this increase in the pilot areas was similar to that seen across England overall. In North Hertfordshire, turnout was unchanged compared with the most comparable parish council elections held in 2022. However, this comparison is not straightforward because local elections were held on the same day in 2022, which would be expected to have increased turnout at those elections.
From the numbers voting in the hubs, we can see that the pilot alone did not lead to these jumps in turnout seen in 2026. However, we also cannot say what the actual impact on turnout was. In Cambridge, 1.7% of the electorate voted in an early voting hub but this does not mean that turnout would have been 1.7 percentage points lower without the pilot. Across Cambridge, Milton Keynes and Tunbridge Wells, 77% of those that voted in the hubs told us that they would have voted in the local elections even without the pilot.
Overall, the evidence suggests that offering more flexible ways to vote, such as early voting hubs or centralised voting hubs, does not on its own lead to a significant increase in turnout. Wider factors are likely to have played the key role in driving up turnout this year.
These findings are consistent with evidence from previous early voting pilots in the 2022 Welsh local elections and the 2007 English local elections.
Almost half of eligible voters in the pilot areas were not aware of the pilot scheme
We asked a representative sample of eligible electors in the three areas where the pilot applied to the entire local authority area about whether they were aware of the flexible voting pilots.
Claimed awareness was highest in Cambridge (57%), followed by Milton Keynes (54%) and Tunbridge Wells (40%). In all three areas, awareness was higher among people who said that they voted in the election.
Direct comparisons with previous pilots are challenging. However, awareness of these pilots was notably higher than of the 2022 Welsh early voting pilots, in which claimed awareness of the pilots ranged from 22%-30% across the four areas involved.
Local authorities used a wide range of methods to reach potential voters
Returning Officers and their teams told us that they used a range of approaches to inform people about the pilots, specifically:
- social media
- leaflets that were mailed to registered voters alongside their polling cards
- local news articles and press releases
- council websites
- billboards
- post campaigns
- promo or ad vans
Among those who voted at the hubs, younger voters (18–24-year-olds) were most likely to have heard about the pilot scheme from work/school/college (13%). Older voters (65 and over) were most likely to have heard about the pilots from TV (10%).
Where respondents heard about the hub(s)
The majority of voters who were interviewed outside voting hubs said that they had heard about the option to vote at an early voting hub or centralised voting hub on their poll card (44%), followed by a leaflet, letter or email from the local council (31%).
Sources of information were quite consistent across Cambridge, Milton Keynes and Tunbridge Wells, although there were some differences:
- 15% of voters in Milton Keynes said they heard about the hub on television, compared to 1% in Cambridge and 4% in Tunbridge Wells.
- 15 % of voters in Milton Keynes were also more likely to say that they saw information on social media (15%) compared to voters in Cambridge (5%) and Tunbridge Wells (10%)
- Voters in Cambridge were much more likely to say they saw information in a ‘Letter, leaflet or email from the local council’ (43%), compared to Milton Keynes (11%) and Tunbridge Wells (26%).
Word of mouth was the most common source of awareness after poll cards.16% of those interviewed said that they heard about pilot from friends, family or by word of mouth, with another 15% reporting that they heard about the hub on social media.
Among voters who were not aware of the pilot scheme before voting, 18–34-year-olds made up almost half (49%). Those who were least likely to be aware of the pilot scheme and had not planned to vote at a hub were those who planned to vote anyway (23%), those who had never voted in a local election before but were eligible (7%) and evening voters in Milton Keynes (14%).
Most visits to hubs were pre-planned
The majority of voters at the hubs were aware of the flexible voting pilots before the local election took place. They said that they had planned to vote at the hub before leaving home (92%).
Milton Keynes captured more spontaneous voters who were not aware of the centralised hub and had not planned to vote there (5%), particularly those voting later in the evening (when 15% were unplanned voters). Among all of those who had not planned to vote at the Milton Keynes voting hub, 42% were not aware of the option to vote there. The comparable figures in Cambridge and Tunbridge Wells were 17% and 28%, suggesting that the centralised hub was more effective than some of the early voting hubs at attracting passers-by who had not initially intended to vote, and would not have voted if the hub had not been there.
Early voting days fell on a bank holiday weekend with sunny weather across all the participating local authorities. Some electoral administrators felt that this had an impact on turnout. Many people were on holiday over the weekend or spending time outside, so they did not necessarily pass the hubs as much as they might have done, had the weather been poorer.
The level of voting was mostly consistent throughout the voting days
Each pilot area decided on slightly different opening hours, making comparisons difficult. However, there were no consistent differences in when people chose to vote, either in the early voting hubs or centralised voting hub.
For example, in North Hertfordshire and Tunbridge Wells, where voting was on the weekend, the Saturday was more popular in Tunbridge Wells and the Sunday in North Hertfordshire. In Cambridge, voting was reasonably consistently spread across the three days, with a slightly larger proportion on Saturday.
| Cambridge | North Hertfordshire | Tunbridge Wells | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Thursday 30 April | 30.2% | n/a | n/a |
| Friday 1 May | 31.5% | n/a | n/a |
| Saturday 2 May | 38.3% | 43.5% | 52.8% |
| Sunday 3 May | n/a | 56.5% | 47.2% |
Distribution of votes by hour in the early voting hubs
Hour-by-hour analysis shows a largely even distribution of votes across the different opening hours of the pilots. There are no significant patterns except for consistently lower levels in the last hour of opening across all four pilots (although Milton Keynes did attract more evening voters in total due to the longer opening hours).
Distribution of votes by hour in the centralised voting hub compared to polling stations in Milton Keynes
Comparing voting in Milton Keynes in the hub and normal polling stations, the pattern across the day is very similar. However, there was a slightly greater proportion of voters around lunchtime in the hub compared to the polling station average.
Motivation to vote at the early voting hubs and centralised voting hub varied across the pilots but convenience and location were the primary drivers
The primary motivation for voters to use the early voting hubs (Cambridge and Tunbridge Wells) was being unable or unwilling to vote on polling day (69%). The proportion giving this reason was higher (86%) among voters who say they would not have voted in the local election had the early voting hubs not been there). Those who had previously voted in some, but not all, local elections were also more likely to say they were unable or unwilling to vote on polling day (77%). Voters in Cambridge were most likely to say they were curious to see how early voting works as a reason to vote at an early voting hub (23% compared to19% across all of the pilots).
We also surveyed those in pilot areas who did not choose to vote early or at the centralised voting hub. Among voters who did not vote early, most (61%) said they were happy to vote on the usual day, while relatively few gave a lack of awareness as a reason (13%).
In Milton Keynes, those who did not vote at the centralised voting hub centre most commonly said they preferred to vote at the polling station listed on their poll card or one closer to home (62%). A further 24% said that the location of the shopping centre was not convenient for them.
The location of the voting hubs makes a difference to who chooses to vote there
Data on the number of voters in individual electoral wards across the pilot areas shows that the location of the hub influences who chooses to vote there.
| Ward | Votes cast |
|---|---|
| Bletchley & Fenny Stratford | 34 |
| Bletchley South | 14 |
| Bletchley West | 15 |
| Bradwell | 48 |
| Broughton & Moulsoe | 20 |
| Campbell Park & Willen | 89 |
| Central Milton Keynes | 163 |
| Danesborough | 18 |
| Furzton | 33 |
| Great Linford | 30 |
| Hanslope 8 New Bradwell | 21 |
| Newport Pagnell | 37 |
| Olney & Rural | 13 |
| Ouzel Valley | 46 |
| Stony Stratford | 39 |
| Tattenhoe | 44 |
| Walton | 28 |
| Watling | 48 |
| Wolverton | 40 |
| Woughton & Fishermead | 34 |
Almost a third of voters (31%) at the centralised voting hub were registered in Central Milton Keynes, the ward in which the hub was located, or Campbell Park and Willen, a ward bordering Central Milton Keynes.
In both Cambridge and Tunbridge Wells, there is also a clear pattern. This is particularly the case in Tunbridge Wells, which is a much larger geographic area compared to Cambridge (128 square miles compared to 16 square miles).
The tables show the number of early votes cast in each ward and which wards contained hubs. In some cases, the hub was also geographically close to neighbouring wards. For example, in Tunbridge Wells, one hub was located in the Park ward and was close to both Culverden and St. James’ wards.
The figures suggest that the number and location of hubs in larger areas will play a role in voter take-up.
| Ward | Votes cast |
|---|---|
| Cranbrook, Sissinghurst and Frittenden (hub location) | 200 |
| Culverden | 184 |
| Paddock Wood (hub location) | 225 |
| Pantiles | 133 |
| Park (hub location) | 185 |
| Pembury and Capel | 70 |
| Rural Tunbridge Wells | 104 |
| Rusthall and Speldhurst | 81 |
| Sherwood | 79 |
| Southborough and Bidborough | 78 |
| St James' | 194 |
| St John's | 92 |
| Ward | Votes cast |
|---|---|
| Abbey | 72 |
| Arbury (hub location) | 112 |
| Castle | 80 |
| Cherry Hinton | 36 |
| Coleridge | 84 |
| East Chesterton | 58 |
| King's Hedges | 133 |
| Market (hub location) | 123 |
| Newnham | 126 |
| Petersfield | 143 |
| Queen Edith's | 77 |
| Romsey | 105 |
| Trumpington (hub location) | 215 |
| West Chesterton | 133 |
Feedback from voters also makes clear how important location can be. 23% of voters chose to vote at the hubs because they were close to home, work or where they study. In Milton Keynes, the main reason voters chose to vote at the hub was because it was close to home, work or study. 34% of people gave this as their reason. 48% of first-time voters said they voted at the centralised hub because it was close to home, work or study. This reason was also given more by those who voted during lunchtime hours (46%).
Hub voting could have accessibility benefits, but there was limited evidence of this in these pilots
We interviewed those who voted in Cambridge, Milton Keynes and Tunbridge Wells immediately after they had left a voting hub. We interviewed just over half (51%) of voters leaving the early voting hubs and centralised voting hub.
17% of all hub voters interviewed reported that they had a disability. This proportion figure very closely matches the national census figure (2021) of the proportion of the population who reported that they have a disability. This suggests that the pilots did not necessarily lead to greater levels of participation among voters with a disability than we would expect to see in polling stations on a normal polling day. That said, not everyone who voted at a flexible voting hub was interviewed, so there may have been more voters with a disability at the early voting hub and centralised voting hub that were not recorded.
Out of those with a disability who chose to vote flexibly at either an early voting hub or the centralised voting hub, 91% of those interviewed said that they had planned to vote at a hub. In addition, 19% of those interviewed with a disability said that they probably or definitely would not have voted in this election if the hub(s) had not been there. This is in line with the overall average across all hub voters who were interviewed. People with a disability were less likely than those without a disability to be aware of the pilot scheme (60% compared to 72%). However, the disability sub-sample is quite small at fewer than 15 people, so this difference should be interpreted with caution.
For voters with a disability, location was a less important motivation for voting flexibly
For voters with a disability, the location was less of a motivating factor for voting at either an early voting hub or the centralised voting hub. In Milton Keynes, a larger proportion of voters with a disability said that the centralised voting hub was easier to access than another polling station (23% compared to13%). In addition, voters with a disability were more likely to be satisfied with their experience of voting at a hub because the hub was quick and not too busy (56% compared to 50% total) and was accessible for their needs (17% compared to 12% total).
Both early voters and those who voted in the centralised voting hub were positive about their experience of voting
Nearly all hub voters (98%) said they were satisfied with the experience of voting early or voting in the centralised voting hub. This picture was largely consistent across Cambridge, Milton Keynes and Tunbridge Wells with 97%, 96% and 99% satisfied respectively.
When asked to say why they were satisfied, the main reasons selected were:
- that it was quick to vote (50%)
- staff were helpful (50%)
- it was convenient to vote there (49%)
Suggestions for improvements needed were minor, with most suggestions focusing on signage and how voters find their way around the site
Encouragingly, nearly half of respondents (43%) said no improvements were needed. Where feedback was given, most focused on signage and how voters find their way around the site. The most common suggestions were:
- better external direction boards and signage to guide voters to the hub (30%)
- improved advertising and awareness (16%)
- access to the hub/ improving the physical facilities of the hubs (8%)
- privacy of the vote (5%).
39% of respondents said ‘prefer not to say’ in answer to the question about improvements to the experience of voting at a hub and 6% of respondents did not answer the question. So, there may be additional suggestions for improvement that were not captured.
Voters were interested in voting flexibly in the future, especially newer voters.
94% of voters at the hubs said they would be likely to use a flexible voting hub in future elections. This rose to 98% among first-time voters.
In Tunbridge Wells 96% of voters said that they would use a hub, if available, in the future. Despite being the most curious about early voting, voters in Cambridge were the least likely to say they’d use an early voting hub again in the future (92% compared to 94% total), though this figure is still very high.
Impact on administration of the election
Delays in formal confirmation of the pilot scheme made the planning and set up difficult for participating local authorities
The government did not confirm that the pilots would go ahead until February 2026. Local authorities who had applied to run pilots were told they would receive confirmation by November 2025. However, because of uncertainty at the time from the government about local government reorganisation and elections being postponed, the government did not confirm until February 2026. As a result, seven local authorities who had initially applied to take part in the pilot scheme dropped out.
The delay in confirmation of the pilot scheme made the planning and set up process challenging for participating local authorities, as the delays cut into planning and preparation time.
While the government assured local authorities that they would not be responsible for any costs if the pilot scheme was cancelled, some did not want to book venues without confirmation. It was then challenging to find venues for the hubs at shorter notice.
Local authorities also received the grant funding relatively late and were receiving invoices from suppliers without confirmed funding. Some of the procurement processes had to be carried out more quickly than expected. Local authorities would have preferred to receive confirmation of the pilot scheme in September 2025 to allow enough time for planning.
Electoral services teams tried to raise awareness of the pilot scheme, but some were worried about appearing to be trying to influence the election
Some of the electoral administrators in the pilot said that they were nervous about being too aggressive in their efforts to raise awareness of the pilots, in case they were seen to be trying to influence the election in some way. In addition, the electoral services team in Milton Keynes was worried that the venue might not have enough space for voters, polling station desks and observers, given the high numbers of expected observers. The team felt they had to balance raising awareness of the pilot with making sure the venue did not become overcrowded.
Some electoral administrators felt that not enough was done to publicise the pilots. Some felt that more communications support from within the local council would have been useful. If flexible voting measures are piloted again or rolled out as business-as-usual, several electoral administrators said they felt that campaign support from The Electoral Commission would be helpful, with early coordination between piloting local authorities and our campaigns team.
Across the piloting local authorities, Returning Officers and their teams put additional measures in place to make the voting hubs accessible
Returning Officers put in place several additional accessibility measures in the early voting hubs and centralised voting hub. On a normal polling day, they would only be able to provide these on request. Additional measures included:
- Cambridge, Milton Keynes and Tunbridge Wells had McGonagle audio voting devices available on demand in the early voting hubs and centralised voting hub. Cambridge and Milton Keynes also had Braille ballot papers in the hubs.
- Cambridge publicised when the busiest voting hours would be, for those wanting to vote at quieter times, which they also plan to do in all future elections.
- Cambridge also invested in some portable hearing loop devices for the hubs, which they can use in the future at any polling stations that don’t already have hearing loops on site.
- North Hertfordshire purchased some additional outdoor signage for the early voting hubs to improve visibility and reading gel overlays to use with the ballot paper.
As a unitary authority, Milton Keynes was able to access the sight loss register from adult social care to identify those with visual impairments who were not already registered to vote. A data-matching exercise was carried out between the sight loss register and the electoral register. Approximately 400 individuals were already registered to vote, and around 100 were already postal voters. The authorities contacted the remaining 300 registered electors to let them know about the accessible voting options available, including the additional accessibility measures provided at the central voting hub.
However, on polling day in Milton Keynes, nobody requested to use a McGonagle audio voting device or Braille ballot paper. The Returning Officer and their team thought that in future, they need to engage with under-registered groups consistently throughout the year to encourage participation. They do not think that brief periods of engagement in the run up to elections or the canvass are enough to increase participation among under-registered and under-represented groups.
The use of digital registers was important to the smooth running of the pilots
Cambridge, North Hertfordshire and Tunbridge Wells worked with the supplier Modern Democracy, while Milton Keynes worked with Civica to supply digital registers. Both suppliers used a system which provides digital registers in polling stations on tablets. This allows for people to be marked as having voted and for registers for any area within the local authority to be accessed via a single device.
This was the first time any of the piloting local authorities had used digital registers, except for Tunbridge Wells who had used them for the first time at the local all-out elections in May 2024.
In theory, the use of digital registers removed the need for large paper-based copies of the full register to be held in each hub. It allowed for individual voters to be quickly found on the register when they came to collect a ballot paper. The pilot authorities chose to keep a paper register at the hubs as a backup measure, in case the tablets did not work properly. This also allowed Returning Officers to efficiently manage one of the challenges that comes with multiple polling days and a centralised hub – the risk of double voting (an elector attempting to vote more than once). There was only one recorded incident of attempted double voting across all participating local authorities. The local authority looked at the time stamps on the records, which were only a few seconds apart, which led them to believe it was an accidental rescan of a poll card rather than an attempt at double voting.
Cambridge wanted to test the connectivity between the Modern Democracy tablets and their own EMS supplier Idox in future., The authority wanted to make sure that different suppliers’ products could effectively ‘talk’ to each other. The authority also wanted to make sure that paper polling registers could easily be produced, with early voters marked off already, in case of a technical failure.
In general, the digital registers worked well, and electoral administrators had positive experiences of using them. They reduced the workload on polling station staff and provided electoral services teams with a live dashboard on turnout in the pilot hubs. In addition, the digital registers provided an overview of footfall across polling stations, so electoral services teams were able to target support to the busiest polling stations.
The digital registers also made the verification and count process easier. Polling station staff did not have to manually record in the Corresponding Number List which ballots were issued. The technology did this, removing the potential for human error. That said, there are some lessons to be drawn from the pilots.
Strong Wi-Fi and 5g was key to the functioning of the tablets
Local authorities ensured that there was strong Wi-Fi at voting hubs and tested the connectivity before voting days. That said, there were some issues with the connectivity on polling day in Milton Keynes in normal polling stations. Some polling station staff had to resort to using paper registers as a contingency plan and returned to using the tablets when the Wi-Fi connection was restored. Although the tablets worked well in North Hertfordshire, the Returning Officer was concerned about using them in rural areas if they were to become standard practice. This is because reliable 5G coverage can be limited in more remote locations.
Local authorities may need to adapt their expectations on how easily they can integrate the digital registers with their existing electoral management software
Local authorities generally had positive feedback about the suppliers of the digital registers. However, some felt that the solution was too prescriptive and they would have liked to work more closely with the supplier to develop a product that met the local authority’s needs. That said, Tunbridge Wells (who had used the tablets before) appreciated that the format stayed the same year on year, making it easier to train people to use the tablets. For the digital registers to work well in future, local authorities need to feel confident that the digital solution will work for them. They must also be willing to adapt their own processes where needed, to fit the tablets’ functionalities.
Some Returning Officers would like legislative change to support the wider or more regular use of digital registers
While most local authorities chose to use the digital registers on early voting days and normal polling day, Cambridge only used the digital registers on early voting days. This was because the team did not feel confident in the backup plan should the digital registers fail on normal polling day. Before they use digital registers for all elections, they want specific legislation setting out the process to be followed if there is a technical failure.
Additional resources are required in the planning and set up and on polling day
Although the digital registers significantly reduced the workload for polling station staff on voting days and during the verification process, setting up the digital registers required a lot of resource. Local authorities had to organise training for polling station staff and support staff on voting days. The team in Milton Keynes received multiple calls on polling day from polling station staff calling in with technical queries. The electoral services team had to set up a separate technical line to manage the volume of calls. Using the tablets also required electoral services teams to organise testing and training days, and to provide data to the supplier and central government.
Returning Officers felt that successful delivery of the pilots hinged on the skills and experience of their electoral services teams
Returning Officers in piloting local authorities emphasised that the successful delivery of the pilots was due to the skills and experience of their teams. They felt confident in their teams’ abilities to deliver elections as normal and felt that the pilots offered a valuable opportunity to test out innovative ways of delivering local elections. Returning Officers also said that they would not have applied to take part in the pilot scheme if they did not have confidence in the experience and competence of their teams.
Local authorities were generally positive about the pilot scheme but delivering the pilots required significant resources for planning and implementation
Participating local authorities were very positive about the pilot scheme and keen to participate in future pilots. However, all Returning Officers said that significant additional resource was required to deliver the pilots, which they would have struggled to find without the funding from central government.
Those piloting early voting highlighted that delivering the early voting hubs also cut into the time for normal election day preparation. This echoes findings from the 2022 Welsh pilots, in which administrators reported that delivering early voting days on Tuesday or Wednesday before normal polling day on Thursday brought additional pressures and reduced the time available to prepare for normal polling day. In these set of pilots, there was a gap of at least a few days between early voting days and normal polling day, but Returning Officers still felt that the pilots cut into preparation time for normal polling day.
All polling station staff received training from the suppliers on using the tablets, which was reported to be useful, particularly the scenario testing in a mock polling station. That said, managing different ballot books with ballot papers from all the different wards was challenging for some polling station staff. Additional training on managing this process would have been helpful.
Milton Keynes led the procurement process for their software supplier, which was time consuming. Additional time was also spent briefing polling station staff and answering technical queries about the tablets on polling day. The electoral services team in Tunbridge Wells highlighted that the preparation around the electoral management software (EMS) systems was very resource intensive. It was not linked to their legacy system and had to be manually set up. This was the same with the hub documentation and printing ballot box labels. This would ordinarily have been automated for all polling stations, but the hubs required a manual solution.
In addition, some electoral administrators highlighted that there were only a limited number of specialist suppliers in the market, such as ballot paper print companies. While the small number of piloting authorities meant that there were no major procurement issues, some electoral administrators were concerned about the ability of printers to produce a large number of extra ballot papers in a short timeframe for early voting if early voting was to be adopted on a larger scale.
Venues were chosen based on several different considerations
Local authorities considered several factors considered when choosing the location of the early voting hubs and the centralised voting hub.
Availability
The main consideration when selecting the venues to host the voting hubs was availability. In Milton Keynes, the location of the centralised voting hub was not where electoral services team had originally chosen, as the unit they had initially selected was not available. However, they felt that the venue they chose worked very well in the end. Some Returning Officers across the pilot areas also found it challenging to find venues that were available for the full period required.
Location
Returning Officers in early voting hub pilot areas wanted venues that were geographically spread out to serve voters from all wards. Most venues selected for early voting hubs were already polling stations and already had the necessary infrastructure in place. They also wanted to have one early voting hub in a central location as well as hubs in more remote areas. In Tunbridge Wells, the team decided to only have one hub in the town of Tunbridge Wells (Royal Victoria Place). While it is the biggest town in the borough, it is not geographically central and there was concern that voters living in rural areas would not be able to easily a reach a hub in Tunbridge Wells. For the centralised voting hub in Milton Keynes, the Returning Officer wanted a venue with a central location that would capture maximum footfall, so choosing a shopping centre in the centre of Milton Keynes felt like a logical choice. The Milton Keynes team suggested that future pilots involve opening centralised hubs on weekends or over multiple days, when footfall is highest, to work out whether this increases participation among younger and under-represented voters.
Size of the venue
Each venue needed enough space for polling station desks, voters and observers. This was difficult for Returning Officers to judge, as the size of turnout was unknown. Returning Officers had to estimate expected turnout and select venues accordingly. While there were no major issues with the size of any of the venues, had there been higher turnout or more candidates and tellers present at the hubs, some hubs would not have been large enough to accommodate everyone.
Accessibility
The venues needed to be fully accessible. They needed wheelchair access, measures in place to support blind or visually impaired voters, and good transport links.
In general, Returning Officers valued the freedom to tailor flexible voting arrangements to local needs and favoured a non-prescriptive approach in any wider roll-out. However, allowing significant local discretion could lead to variation in the availability and accessibility of flexible voting measures, risking unequal access for voters depending on where they live.
The early verification process and count went smoothly with no major issues
In general, the early verification process and count for the early voting hubs went smoothly, as did the verification and count for the centralised voting hub. While North Hertfordshire and Tunbridge Wells chose to verify their early ballots at the end of each early voting day, Cambridge decided to verify all early ballots after the close of poll on normal polling day. This decision was made to manage limited staffing resources, as well as to ensure that political observers were able to attend the verification process.
The digital registers helped the verification process, as polling station staff did not have to manually record, in the Corresponding Number List, which ballot papers were issued. When a voter was given a ballot paper, they were marked as having voted in the digital register and the Corresponding Number List was automatically updated to show that the ballot paper with that number had been issued.
That said, Tunbridge Wells had some issues with the storage of ballot papers. Additional ballot papers were printed for the pilot and there was no space in the council offices to store all the additional ballot papers between the verification and count process. Tunbridge Wells had printed out almost 100,000 ballot papers for use across the early voting hubs and had to organise overnight storage at a storage unit at an additional cost. It was challenging to balance having enough ballot papers, so that they did not run out, and printing too many. Finding a location that was both secure and large enough to store the ballot papers was also challenging.
Returning Officers suggested that in future, printing ballot papers on demand could help reduce these risks. If ballot papers were produced as needed, Returning Officers would not have to store lots of ballot papers in the lead up to the election.
However, this approach would require dedicated printers, hardware and software capable of working alongside the digital register and EMS systems, back-up equipment and robust security features. Venues would need to have suitable IT facilities and be large enough to hold this equipment.
Cost of delivering the pilots
Data was not available on the cost of the pilots at time of publication. This report will be updated when the cost data is available.
We expect that this will include overall costs, broken down into the main categories of spending, as provided to central government by the pilot authorities.
As with any pilot, it will likely be difficult to draw clear conclusions from these pilot costs about the eventual cost of any wider roll out. This is for several reasons:
- Local authorities have taken different approaches to how they have recorded costs (e.g. whether core team staff costs are included, which pieces of equipment are being charged for)
- Pilots entail development costs that may not apply in the same way or at all for a roll out
- The local authority areas involved are not representative of all areas
- Some future costs may be missing from the pilot (e.g. national public awareness campaigns)
- Rolling out flexible voting options in more areas would increase costs but doing it nationally could still bring savings through economies of scale.
Staffing
The number of staff working to deliver the pilots varied by local authority area:
- Cambridge had 12 staff members per day (4 per early voting hub) and 1 polling station inspector across all early voting days.
- Tunbridge Wells had 39 staff members per day (13 per early voting hub) and 2 polling station inspectors.
- North Hertfordshire had 27 people per day (9 per early voting hub) and 1 polling station inspector.
- Milton Keynes had 7 staff members in the centralised voting hub.
Conclusions and recommendations
Our evaluation of the May 2026 pilots shows that innovations such as early voting and centralised polling day voting hubs can be delivered successfully within the existing electoral framework.
The pilots were well-delivered, with no major administrative issues identified. The technical infrastructure – particularly digital polling station registers – also worked largely as intended, although there were some valuable lessons to be drawn from the pilots.
Our evaluation also shows that both early voting and centralised polling day voting hubs could improve the voting experience. Those who used the early voting hubs or centralised polling day voting hub were generally very positive about their experience and said they would vote flexibly in future, if it were available. Convenience was the main reason people chose to use a flexible voting option, followed by voters stating that they were unable to vote on normal polling day.
However, the data from these pilots clearly shows that the opportunity to vote flexibly (either at an early voting hub or centralised polling day voting hub) does not, on its own, boost turnout significantly.
Future pilot schemes
So far, the pilots have been limited to a small number of flexible voting options and a small number of areas. There are other flexible voting options which should also be considered (as highlighted in our 2023 flexible voting feasibility studies).
The evidence generated by these pilots has not been sufficiently robust or comprehensive to draw firm conclusions or make policy decisions about future changes to voting options.
Before undertaking any further pilot schemes, the UK Government should identify what evidence gaps remain. The Government should consider whether additional pilots are needed to fill in these gaps or whether they could be addressed through existing evidence or other methods of analysis. If further piloting is justified, it should be ambitious enough to generate a comprehensive and comparative evidence base, rather than simply extending the current, limited body of evidence. Continuing with a similarly limited approach to piloting in future years may not be good value for money.
If the UK Government decides that further pilots are necessary, it should invest in a larger and more sustained programme of pilots. This should include testing a wider range of flexible voting options. This would enable different voting methods and delivery models to be evaluated and compared. It would also generate clearer evidence of their comparative impact, including on participation, scalability and cost-effectiveness.
The electoral system in Great Britain already provides voters with access to postal voting on demand as well as voting in polling stations on polling day. The Government should be clear about the added value that introducing new flexible voting options could provide. Future policy development should consider whether the comparative benefits of each option would justify the additional costs and administrative complexity of introducing additional voting methods.
Recommendation 1: The UK Government should explain what evidence gaps remain, why those gaps cannot be addressed through existing evidence, and how additional pilots would contribute to future policy decisions
Where further piloting is justified, it should be undertaken at scale and across different types of local authorities.
Any future pilots should also focus on the effectiveness, feasibility and impact of a wider range of flexible voting options. This will enable flexible voting options to be evaluated and compared in a way that produces clear evidence of impact, including both benefits and costs.
We recommend that any further pilot schemes should be designed to build and test the evidence base across flexible voting options including centralised polling day voting hubs, mobile voting, and vote anywhere or vote elsewhere options (as highlighted in our 2023 flexible voting feasibility studies). Telephone voting for blind and partially sighted voters (as used successfully in Australia) should also be explored.
Any future pilots should be designed to fully test the operational requirements needed to use digital polling station registers (including at future non-pilot elections). This should include testing connectivity requirements.
This analysis is needed to help governments, the Commission and Returning Officers further understand the technical and operational feasibility of flexible voting. It would especially help us assess how we could put flexible voting in place across varied geographical settings, such as urban and rural areas.
Early voting
The evidence from previous early voting pilots suggests that there is limited value in repeating models that have already been tested.
Any further piloting of early voting should focus on addressing clearly defined evidence gaps. Where possible, the Government should use existing pilot and electoral data to provide evidence for further policy development.
It will also be important to develop an approach that enables the benefits and costs of early voting to be assessed alongside other flexible voting options, rather than in isolation.
Recommendation 2: Any further early voting pilots should focus on addressing specific evidence gaps and operational challenges
Given the evidence from previous pilot schemes, the Government should not prioritise further early voting pilots that replicate models already tested, as this is unlikely to provide significant new evidence on participation or operational deliverability.
The Government should instead consider whether any remaining evidence gaps in relation to early voting could be addressed through analysis and modelling of existing pilot and electoral data, rather than through further pilot schemes.
If the Government does decide to undertake further early voting pilots, we recommend that these should be designed to test specific delivery models or operational challenges in particular types of local authority area – such as large urban authorities or rural areas – where the practical and technical challenges associated with digital registers (for example) may be greater. This should generate more targeted evidence that can inform future policy and implementation.
Our recommendation to test a wider range of flexible voting options would also mean that the potential benefits (and costs) of early voting can be assessed alongside the impact of a range of other options, rather than in isolation.
Improving lead-in times for pilot schemes
The successful delivery and evaluation of pilot schemes depend on local authorities having adequate time to prepare. Feedback from Returning Officers suggests that earlier notification would improve planning, procurement, voter awareness activity and overall implementation.
Recommendation 3: Future pilot schemes should be announced earlier to support effective planning, implementation and evaluation
While we acknowledge the challenges around the timetable for pilots in 2027, our expectation is that the Government will take our recommendations on future pilots into account before it finalises its prospectus inviting local authorities to take part in pilots in 2027.
Given feedback from Returning Officers, the Government should also notify local authorities of future pilot schemes as early as possible to allow enough time for planning, procurement, and voter awareness activities.
A longer lead-in period would also give local authorities and ourselves more time to review and comment on draft pilot orders and support effective planning and delivery of our statutory evaluation of the pilots.
Potential for wider use of digital polling station registers
Digital polling station registers were necessary to enable the centralised voting hub and early voting pilots to operate effectively, allowing register entries to be updated in real-time across all polling stations. These operated largely successfully, with only isolated technical problems or slow performance. Polling station staff in the pilots appeared to welcome the tablets used for the digital registers and found them easier to use than traditional, paper-based registers and lists.
Recommendation 4: The UK’s governments should develop plans to enable the use of digital polling station registers
We know that some Returning Officers have already begun using digital polling station registers outside these pilots.
We recommend that the UK’s governments should now develop plans to enable the use of digital registers at all elections.
This will need to include assessing the likely hardware and software costs, and potential savings in staff costs, and agreeing a funding model across reserved and devolved polls.
Governments and Returning Officers will also need to ensure that information security, operational and electoral integrity risks are assessed and appropriately mitigated. Governments will need to ensure that detailed legislation for polling station processes is properly future-proofed to allow for new technology to be used when appropriate.
Annexes
Background
In their manifesto, the Government outlined their commitment to encouraging greater participation in our democracy. To support this, they invited local authorities to pilot a range of flexible voting options at the local elections in May 2026 and 2027. The legislation required for the pilots was published in February 2026.
The flexible voting pilot schemes were designed to explore innovative approaches to voting that better reflect the needs and expectations of today’s electorate, by introducing greater flexibility, improving accessibility and enhancing voter satisfaction while safeguarding the integrity, security and transparency of the democratic process. In addition, the pilots aimed to explore how flexible voting methods can better support electors who may face barriers to participation, such as disabled voters, those in remote areas, and communities that are less likely to engage.
Local Returning Officers ran the processes in each area, and the Government oversaw the pilot scheme as a whole.
| Cambridge City Council | Milton Keynes City Council | Tunbridge Wells | North Hertfordshire | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pilot model | Early voting hubs | On the day voting hub | Early voting hubs | Early voting hubs |
| Timing | 9am to 6pm on Thursday 30th April, Friday 1st May and Saturday 2nd May | 7am to 10pm on Thursday 7th May | 9am to 6pm on Saturday 2nd May and 10:30am to 4:30pm on Sunday 3rd May | 10:00am to 3:00pm on Saturday 2nd and Sunday 3rd May |
| Number of hubs | 3 | 1 | 3 | 3 |
Evaluation methodology
The Electoral Commission was required by law to publish an independent evaluation of the pilot scheme within three months of the election. There were specific questions that we had to consider as part of the evaluation:
- Whether the turnout of voters was higher than it would have been if the scheme had not applied
- Whether voters found the procedures provided for their assistance by the scheme easy to use
- Whether the procedures provided for by the scheme led to any increase in personation or other electoral offences or in any other malpractice in connection with elections
- Whether those procedures led to any increase in expenditure, or to any savings, by the authority
The research questions the evaluation aimed to answer were the following:
- How were the pilots implemented across participating local authorities?
- How were the options for flexible voting received by voters and electoral administrators?
- What were the implementation costs associated with delivering flexible voting options across the pilot areas?
We collected information from different sources to make sure that our evaluation of the scheme was thorough and robust. This included:
- Representative surveys asking people in each local area what they thought of the scheme after polling day in May 2026
- ‘Exit interviews’ with early voters and those who voted in the centralised voting hub after they had cast their vote
- Data on turnout at the elections including the number of early and centralised hub voters and when they cast their vote
- Views and evidence from Returning Officers and electoral administrators who ran the pilots
- Information about how much it cost to run the pilot scheme
Limitations of the evaluation methodology
There were a number of limitations to the evaluation methodology.
Firstly, each participating local authority implemented a slightly different model (with varying opening days and times), meaning it was challenging to evaluate the programme as a whole or compare pilot areas. In addition, both early voting and voting in centralised voting hub were piloted, making it difficult to compare pilot sites, particularly for Milton Keynes which was the only local authority to pilot a centralised voting hub.
While the lack of a one-size-fits-all was highlighted as a strength by local authorities, the variation in the way the pilots were implemented across participating local authorities made an overall evaluation of the scheme challenging. In addition, it was not possible to say with certainty that any differences in outcomes between pilot areas was not due to these implementation differences.
Pilot areas were not randomised to treatment and control groups due to the small number of participating local authorities. This means a rigorous impact evaluation was not possible, so any shifts in outcomes (such as voter turnout) could not be attributed with any certainty to the flexible voting measures. There was a possibility of using matched comparator groups, but due to the lack of a baseline measure and small sample sizes, this was not included in the final methodology. More complex statistical methods would be needed to control for multiple variables that could influence voter behaviour, but the sample sizes involved in the pilot programme were too small to do this successfully and be able to detect an effect size.
The initial programme included 11 local authority areas, which later dropped to 4 due to seven local authorities withdrawing their applications following the reorganization of local government, proposed postponements (and later cancellation of postponements) of local elections in some areas and operational reasons. The reduced number of pilot areas meant that sample sizes for survey responses were low (particularly for representative surveys of people in pilot areas), meaning it was challenging to assess the replicability of the flexible voting options in other local authorities.
Due to the reorganisation of local government and postponement of some local elections, it was not possible to conduct a baseline survey in pilot areas, as was done for the 2022 early voting pilots in May. A baseline survey would have served as a useful comparator in pilot areas, particularly for trust and confidence in electoral processes and satisfaction with voting, but unfortunately this was not possible for these pilots due to the uncertainty of which local authorities were going to be involved
International evidence
Early voting has been trialled in multiple countries and is the most common flexible voting option available around the world. International IDEA’s SVA database shows that early voting is common practice in some countries, with 78 countries allowing some form of early voting for specific groups, while 16 countries allow early voting for all voters. Early voting for all voters is most common in OECD countries, with 10 countries allowing it in Europe (in addition to Canada and the majority of states in the USA). Early voting for some voters is most common in Oceania (half of countries) and Africa, with 17 countries allowing early voting for some groups.
As was the case of the 2022 Wales early voting pilots, there is limited evidence from other contexts that early voting alone boosts turnout. However, a 2018 study looking at early voting in New Zealand found that early voting, when combined with on-site registration on early voting days, increased turnout by about 7.6 percentage points in the 2017 general election. Similarly, a 2024 study on early voting in the USA found that direct campaign contact with voters increased turnout exclusively through early voting. This suggests that early voting does not exist as a standalone measure but rather functions within the broader political environment and affects voter behaviour in conjunction with other factors, reforms, laws and public policies.
However, there is mixed evidence internationally that early voting drives increased turnout among under-registered and under-represented groups. A 2019 study comparing early voting practices in Canada, Finland, Germany and Switzerland found that early voting is does not typically increase the participation of underrepresented population groups, except for the elderly, who are the most likely to take part in early voting. A 2025 study examining early voting in the local elections in the USA found little evidence for early voting mobilizing non-voters and instead found evidence to suggest that early voting drives only minor increases in turnout among those who would have voted anyway.
There is limited evidence both in the UK and internationally on the effect of centralised voting hubs on voting behaviour, and no global database on the availability of voting at outside your home district in different countries. Data collected by the ACE in 226 countries, suggests that in a range of countries people can choose where to vote - either at any polling station in the same voting district (21) or any polling station in the same country (15). More research is needed to understand the effect of central voting hubs on voter behaviour.