Parliamentary briefing: Representation of the People Bill (Part 4 – Campaigns and Political Expenditure: control of political donations) – Committee Stage
Overview
Monday 13 April
- Part 4 of the Bill introduces several reforms to the political finance system. The Commission has recommended some of these changes since 2013 to strengthen the system, particularly from foreign interference.
- It’s crucial that UK voters have trust in the financing of our political system. For several years, public confidence in the system's transparency has steadily declined.
- Some of these provisions could be strengthened further to better protect the system from foreign interference. For example, using a company’s profit, rather than revenue, to determine eligibility to donate to political parties, and by matching thresholds for know-your-donor checks to a donee’s reporting threshold.
- We welcome the thorough review of foreign financial influence conducted by Philip Rycroft, which made recommendations to better protect our democracy from foreign interference by closing loopholes and strengthening safeguards.
- Further changes to Part 4 are expected at Report Stage, following the UK Government’s announcement that it is intended a moratorium on crypto donations and a cap on donations from overseas voters will be applied retrospectively following Parliamentary approval of the Bill. Further changes to Part 4 are expected at Report Stage, following the UK Government’s announcement that it is intended that a moratorium on crypto donations and a cap on donations from overseas voters will be applied retrospectively following Parliamentary approval of the Bill. We are working quickly to understand what these changes will mean in practice.
- Changes to political finance laws will have particular ramifications in Northern Ireland. We will continue to work with the UK Government to provide our expert input to ensure that these provisions and those within secondary legislation allow both British and Irish citizens to participate in politics in Northern Ireland in accordance with the terms of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement.
Clause 58 and Schedule 8 – Risk assessments for donations to registered parties etc
This clause introduces ‘know your donor’ checks for political parties and campaigners.
Amendments grouped with Clause 58
- 31 and 32 [Opp] would require the risk assessments to take into account whether a donor is required to register under the Foreign Influence Registration Scheme.
- Political parties, candidates and campaigners are responsible for ensuring donations made to them are from permissible sources. Clause 58 introduces a ‘know your donor’ framework for donations and loans worth over £11,180.
- Under Clause 58, donees will be required to assess the risk that a donation or loan is being made by an impermissible donor. The risk assessment will inform donees of the appropriate checks they should carry out in order to be confident about the true source of funds and make an informed decision as to whether to accept the donation or enter into the loan. The Bill establishes a duty on the Commission to produce statutory guidance on how donees can undertake a risk assessment.
- While this will introduce a new know your donor culture into the political finance space, it is not entirely novel, and similar checks have existed for some time in charity law.
- The thresholds at which risk assessments are required should be the same as the threshold at which donees currently report donations, with the exception of candidates. This would reduce complexity for donees, who would not have to navigate a new set of obligations at a new threshold. It would also create a ‘know your donor’ regime that is sensitive to different levels of risk in the political finance regime.
- It is important the checks are proportionate and workable to avoid placing an administrative burden on donees. We support the principle of the clauses but have two clear recommendations to strengthen the risk factors:
- First, we have recommended that the listed risk factor “any other risk factors the party considers to be relevant” be amended to read “any other risk factors a reasonable party would consider relevant”. The current drafting allows donees to rely on a defence that they did not consider a risk factor to be relevant when deciding whether to accept a donation.
- Second, we have recommended the inclusion of an additional risk factor relating to location. We propose that “a person’s connections to other countries and jurisdictions” be added to the list of risk factors. This additional factor will increase the likelihood that donees will identify and prevent potential foreign financial interference in UK politics.
- The UK Government should consult with the regulated community over which factors should be considered in the risk assessment. Their expertise and experience of elections is essential in ensuring the proposals are workable and do not deter legitimate participation
Clause 59 – Permissible donors not to include individuals under 16
This clause prevents under-16s from being permissible donors, following the lowering of the voting age.
- Currently, if an individual is on the electoral register, they are a permissible donor. This includes attainers in Scotland and Wales, who can register from age 14.
- This clause amends the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (PPERA) so that only individuals aged 16 or over who are on the electoral register are permissible donors. This will change the rules for Scotland and Wales, where those under 16 on the register can currently donate. This will mean the age for permissible donors is consistent across the UK.
Clause 60 - Donations by companies and LLPs etc
This clause introduces new controls on donations made by companies and Limited Liability Partnerships (LLPs).
Amendments and New Clauses grouped with Clause 60
- 34-35 [Matt Western MP] would amend Clause 60 to require companies to nominate a director or partner to be responsible for compliance with political finance laws.
- 36-37 [Matt Western MP] would require companies to take into account any donations they have also made to other parties or regulated donees when determining the amount they can donate.
- Several new clauses also seek to make changes to which companies are permissible donors. These are NC13 [Chris Hinchcliff MP] (property developers), NC32 [Neil Duncan-Jordan MP] (holders of public contracts), and NC52 [Richard Burgon MP] (oil and gas companies from being permissible donors.
- Currently, if a company is registered at Companies House and ‘carrying on business’ in the UK, it can donate to a UK political party or campaigner. The company does not need to have made enough money in the UK to cover the donations it makes.
- This opens the system to foreign influence and means that foreign actors could legitimately use a UK company as a conduit to channel money into UK elections.
- Clause 60 introduces new controls on donations from companies and limited liability partnerships (LLPs). It introduces a revenue test, under which a company or LLP donor must have generated sufficient revenue over any financial years wholly contained within the three previous calendar years to fund the value of their donation. It also introduces a ‘significant control test’, which aims to demonstrate that company donors have a legitimate connection to the UK and are not controlled by foreign entities.
- As drafted, these provisions do not sufficiently strengthen the system against foreign money to entering British politics, as companies could still donate more money overall than they have made in the UK.
- The Commission strongly recommends two changes that are necessary to strengthen Clause 60 and reduce the risk of foreign money entering British politics through companies. The Rycroft Review has also made similar recommendations.
Company donation limit
- Any company donation limit must apply to the total value of a company’s political donations in a calendar year, regardless of the number of recipients.
- The proposal in the Bill applies the limit separately to each recipient, so for example, a company could donate an amount equal to their revenue to a party and then donate the same amount to each of the party’s (or multiple parties) MPs, councillors and candidates. This makes the measure ineffective, as it would allow companies to make legitimate donations that are many times their revenue, with no guarantee of the source of these funds.
- To be at all effective, any company donation limit must apply to the total value of all of a company’s political donations in a calendar year, regardless of the number of recipients. This could be achieved through a donor declaration, with minimal administrative burden and we have no evidence that companies will struggle to track the donations they make in a year.
Using profit as a measure
- To go further and more effectively prevent foreign money from entering the system, we recommend that a company’s post-tax profit be used as the measure of its UK earnings, rather than revenue.
- Using profit as a measure would help to guarantee that a company has made enough money in the UK to fund its donations. Revenue provides no such guarantee, as it does not show whether a company has retained enough money after costs to fund its political donations.
- We know voters are concerned with the ‘true source of money’ entering UK politics.– Using profit over revenue ensures voters can have the confidence that entities are only able to influence the political process in a way that is directly tied to their economic value in the UK, and more accurately reflects their true financial capacity.
Devolved considerations
- Northern Irish political parties and regulated donees can receive donations from Irish-registered companies and LLPs, subject to the location of a principal office in either Ireland or Northern Ireland. To meet the significant control test, Northern Irish donees need to be able to freely and easily access Ireland’s Central Beneficial Ownership Register.
- The clauses as currently drafted state that those registerable persons (if not on the electoral register) must be ‘a British citizen usually resident in the United Kingdom’ to meet the significant control test. Under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, citizens living in Northern Ireland may identify as Irish or British. If a citizen identifies as Irish and is not on the electoral register, then companies over which they have significant control may not be permissible donors. Any company donations provisions, as finally enacted and implemented, will need to uphold the principles of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement
Clause 61 – Forfeiture of certain donations to registered parties etc
This clause will provide courts with clarity about which factors should be considered in any forfeiture order.
- Clause 61 makes it clear that if an individual donor is eligible to be on an electoral register, but is not registered to vote when they donate, then their eligibility cannot be considered at a factor. Courts can only consider whether the donor was actually registered to vote at the time of donation.
- This will reduce the risk of impermissible donations being treated inconsistently, and aligns with previous recommendations made by the Committee on Standards in Public Life.
Clause 62 and Schedule 9 – Unincorporated associations making political contributions
This clause, and schedule, introduce changes to the regime for unincorporated associations making political contributions.
- Unincorporated associations are associations of individuals who have joined together to carry out a shared purpose.
- The Commission has highlighted weaknesses in the security and transparency of the unincorporated associations’ regime for many years. Currently, unincorporated associations are not required to ensure that those who donate to them are permissible donors. This means that they could legitimately make donations using funding from otherwise impermissible sources, including from overseas.
- There are also currently no transparency requirements in law for unincorporated associations which donate to candidates, rather than to political parties or campaigners. Voters have limited information on unincorporated associations as those that are registered with the Commission must only provide a name and address. Unlike other categories of donor, there may be no publicly available information to identify those responsible for the association and the nature of its activities.
- We are supportive of a number of the changes introduced through Clause 62 and Schedule 9. The changes would prevent unincorporated associations subject to reporting requirements from making political donations funded by impermissible donors. These clauses also improve voter transparency around the funding of unincorporated associations. They will need to register and start reporting the money they receive once they hit a threshold of £11,180 and any gifts over £2,230.
- Whilst we welcome those changes, the security of the political finance regime could be further improved by requiring all unincorporated associations, and not just registered unincorporated associations, to conduct permissibility checks on relevant gifts that fund their donations.
- Donors making political gifts to unincorporated associations should also be required to provide information about the true source of funds, if their gift is being (partially) funded by other individuals and entities. These ‘agency’ and ‘principal donor’ requirements apply to donations to political parties and other donees, and should be extended to donations to unincorporated associations.